American Landings at Cape Torokina, Bougainville

Approaching the beach, landing craft machine-gunners spray the shoreline with .50 caliber fire which may help to keep Japanese defenders pinned to their positions, and hold down enemy fire during the last minutes of the approach.

Cape Torokina is a promontory at the north end of Empress Augusta Bay, along the central part of the western coast of Bougainville, in Papua New Guinea.

This cape formed the southern end of the landing zone where I Marine Amphibious Corps performed an amphibious invasion on November 1, 1943 during Operation Cherry Blossom. The small Puruata Island is located just off the coast to the west of Cape Torokina. The cape and island form a beach to the north which is subject to heavy surf.

The cape was relatively isolated, with a poor trail system to supply the area. A wide swamp stretched inland from the beach area, and the island was heavily forested. During the landing, the cape was the location of a Japanese 75mm gun that inflicted heavy damage upon the landing craft.

Following the landing, an airfield was constructed at the cape. Twenty-five miles of roads were also built around the area.

The Landings at Cape Torokina were the beginning of the Bougainville campaign in World War II, between the military forces of the Empire of Japan and the Allied powers. The amphibious landings by the United States Marine Corps and the United States Army during the month of November 1943 on Bougainville Island in the Solomon Islands of the South Pacific.

The Japanese forces defending Bougainville were part of the General Harukichi Hyakutake 17th Army. This formation reported to the Eighth Area Army under General Hitoshi Imamura at Rabaul, New Britain. The main concentrations of Japanese troops were as follows:

Northern Bougainville: approx. 6,000

Shortland Islands: approx. 5,000

Cape Torokina area: approx. 2,000.

The Bougainville invasion was the ultimate responsibility of Admiral William F. Halsey, commander U.S. Third Fleet, at his headquarters at Nouméa, New Caledonia. The landings were under the personal direction of Rear Admiral Theodore S. Wilkinson, commander Third Fleet Amphibious Forces, aboard his flagship attack transport George Clymer. Also aboard was Major General Alexander A. Vandegrift, USMC, commander I Marine Amphibious Corps. Vandegrift had already been promoted to Commandant of the Marine Corps, but was asked by Halsey to command the landing force at Bougainville following the accidental death of the original commander, Major General Charles Barrett.

Loaded aboard five attack transports were the men of the 3rd Marine Division (reinforced), Major General Allen H. Turnage commanding. With General Turnage aboard the Hunter Liggett was Commodore Lawrence F. Reifsnider, who had responsibility for the transports as well as three attack cargo ships.

The first wave went ashore along an 8,000-yard front north of and including Cape Torokina at 07:10 hours on 1 November 1943. The 9th Marines assaulted the western beaches while the 3rd Marines took the eastern beaches and the cape itself. The 3rd Marine Raider Battalion captured Puruata Island about 1,000 yards west of the cape.

Because of the possibility of an immediate Japanese counterattack by air units, the initial assault wave landed 7,500 Marines by 07:30 hours. These troops seized the lightly defended area by 11:00 hours, suffering 78 killed in action while virtually annihilating the 270 troops of the Japanese 1st Battalion, 23rd Infantry Regiment that were defending the area around the beachhead.

Sergeant Robert A. Owens, from Company A, 1st Battalion, 3rd Marines, was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions in eliminating a Japanese 75 mm gun that had been shelling the landing force, after it had destroyed four landing craft and damaged ten others. At the cost of his life, Owens approached the gun emplacement, entered it through the fire port, and drove the crew out the back door.

In the space of eight hours, Admiral Wilkinson’s flotilla unloaded about 14,000 men and 6,200 tons of supplies. He then took his ships out of the area out of fear of an overnight attack by Japanese surface ships. As it turned out, an American force of four light cruisers and eight destroyers encountered a Japanese force of two heavy cruisers, two light cruisers and six destroyers in the Battle of Empress Augusta Bay that night (morning of 2 November).

The remainder of the 3rd Marine Division, as well as the US 37th Infantry Division under Major General Robert S. Beightler, and Advance Naval Base Unit No. 7 were landed at Cape Torokina throughout November. As late as Thanksgiving, the beachhead was still under hostile fire. As the sixth echelon of the invasion force was unloading, Japanese artillery fired on the landing ships, inflicting casualties. The Marines silenced these guns the following day.

Torokina Airfield, also known as Cape Torokina Airfield, is a former World War II airfield located at Cape Torokina, Bougainville.

The 3rd Marine Division landed on Bougainville on 1 November 1943 at the start of the Bougainville Campaign, establishing a beachhead around Cape Torokina. Small detachments of the 25th, 53rd, 71st and 75th Naval Construction Battalions landed with the Marines and the 71st Battalion was tasked with establishing a 5,150 feet (1,570 m) by 200 feet (61 m) fighter airfield that would become Torokina Airfield. The airfield became operational on December 10, 1943 when VMF-216 landed with 18 F4U Corsairs.

On 9 March 1944, the Japanese shelled the airfield and forced the squadrons that were based there to take off to avoid damage to their aircraft. Royal New Zealand Air Force squadrons also began operating from the airfield from January 1, 1944. Units assigned to the airfield included:

United States Navy

VC-40 operating Grumman TBF Avengers

ACORN 13

VF(N)-75 operating Vought F4U Corsairs

United States Marine Corps

VMTB-233 operating TBF Avengers

VMF-211 operating F4U Corsairs

VMF-212 operating F4U Corsairs

VMF-215 operating F4U Corsairs

VMF-216 operating F4U Corsairs

VMF(N)-531 operating Lockheed PV-1 Ventura night-fighters

Royal New Zealand Air Force

No. 19 Squadron operating F4U Corsairs

Postwar

Today the airfield is no longer used and most of the runway is overgrown with vegetation.

Map of Bougainville Island showing the US Marine landing zone around Cape Torokina (in Empress Augusta Bay), as well as the location of Japanese bases around the island.

Map depicting the initial US landings on Bougainville, 1 November 1943.

A map depicting the Japanese Counterattack on Bougainville during World War II which took place between 9 and 17 March 1944. 

Men of the 3rd Marine Division clamber down a cargo net into an LCM waiting to land them at Torokina on the morning of D-day.

A Marine dive bomber from VMSB-144 turns gently toward the beachhead area prior to peeling off in one of the prelanding airstrikes at Torokina on D-Day morning.

Landing craft under fire rounding Puruata Island on the way in to the beach. At this point, assault waves were also receiving enemy fire from Torokina Island, in left background, and from Cape Torokina itself (not shown).

The final run in of an LCVP to the beach, while a torpedo-bomber of Marine Air Group 14 makes a last pass at the smoking jungle.

On the beach at last, 3rd Division Marines fan out on the double to get across the exposed shoreline and plunge, already deployed for combat, into Bougainville jungle.

Infantrymen of the 3rd Marines come ashore under heavy fire at H-Hour, Cape Torokina, Bougainville on D-Day, 1 November 1943.

1st Battalion, 3rd Marines engaged during the landing at Cape Torokina.

While the Marine with the M1 carbine searched for retribution, the BAR man stares into the face of his buddy, who has just been shot by a Japanese sniper, on Torokina Island, off the coast of Bougainville.

Mopping up Japanese bunkers, two wary Marines of the 3rd Regiment help to make Cape Torokina safe for democracy.

This Japanese 75 mm cannon played havoc with assault waves of the 3d Marines, sinking four landing craft and damaging ten before it was silenced by Sergeant Robert A. Owens, posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his feat.

Sergeant Robert A. Owens, who posthumously received the Medal of Honor for singlehandedly assaulting and silencing, at the cost of his life, the Japanese 75mm gun which brought down such destructive fire on 3rd Marines landing craft from Cape Torokina.

Surf was extremely rough and many boats broached on the 9th Marines’ beaches. Reading from left to right in background, lie Cape Torokina, Torokina Island, and Puruata Island.

The 9th Marines shifting positions on the afternoon of D-Day. Men of the 1st Battalion, 9th Marines, moving eastward to new areas due to the unsuitability of the beaches, and because of expected enemy resistance in that direction.

Mopping up on Torokina Island, a platoon of the 2nd Raider Battalion finds the going tough, despite the fact that only seven Japanese garrisoned the labyrinthine jungles of the tough little island.

Demolition men of the 3rd Raider Battalion landed on Torokina Island on 3 November, but found that supporting arms had already killed or driven off all Japanese.

Raiders move up the muddy Piva Trail to safeguard the flank of the beachhead.

3rd Defense Battalion anti-aircraft gunners deliver trial fire in order to obtain best ballistic data for the 90mm gun which has just been set up overlooking Cape Torokina.

Infighting at Koromokina Lagoon took place when Japanese troops of the 54th Infantry came down from Rabaul and attempted a counterlanding against the 3rd Battalion, 9th Marines, on 7 November.

Sergeant Herbert J. Thomas was awarded the Medal of Honor at Koromokina Lagoon for his heroism in smothering a grenade’s explosion with his own body.

As were many other American airfields in the Pacific, Torokina Field on Bougainville was literally cut out overnight from the dense jungle which surrounded Empress Augusta Bay.

Torokina Fighter Field, November 13, 1943. Snaking logs for use in construction of field facilities.

Torokina Fighter Field, November 15, 1943. 71st Seabees grading taxiway.

Torokina Fighter Field, December 2, 1943. West end of the field, taken from the control tower.

Members of a U.S. Navy construction battalion (CB or Seabees) laying pierced planking across a runway in the Cape Torokina area of Bougainville, 2 December 1943. Truck is probably an International M-5H-6, 2½-ton 6x6.


  


First plane to land on the still uncompleted airfield at Cape Torokina.

RNZAF P-40 taking off from Torokina airfield.

Marine F4U Corsairs of VMF-216 on Torokina airfield.

Torokina Fighter Field, December 10, 1943.

Marine F4U of VMF-216 on Torokina airfield.

Marine Corsairs of VMF-214 at Cape Torokina.

View of Torokina airfield, Bougainville. Aircraft lining the strip include Vought F4U Corsair fighters, Douglas SBD Dauntless dive bombers and Lockheed PV Ventura patrol bombers.

Torokina airfield and Empress Augusta Bay.

Torokina airfield and Empress Augusta Bay.


Sinking of the U.S.S. Panay, December 12, 1937

The Commander in Chief of the
United States Asiatic Fleet (Yarnell)
to the Secretary of the Navy (Swanson)

December 23, 1937

[Received 1:15 a.m.]

The following are finding[s] of facts of the Court of Inquiry ordered to investigate the bombing and sinking of the U.S.S. Panay.

The Court was composed of Captain H. V. McKittrick, Commander M. L. Deyo, Lieutenant Commander A. C. J. Sabalot, members, and Lieutenant C. J. Whiting, Judge Advocate. The findings are approved.

The record of the Court will be forwarded to the Department by airmail leaving Manila about 29 December.

The Court finds as follows:

(1) That on December 12, 1937, the U.S.S. Panay, a unit of the Yangtze Patrol of the United States Asiatic Fleet, was operating under lawful orders on the Yangtze River.

(2) That the immediate mission of the U.S.S. Panay was to protect nationals, maintain communication between the United States Embassy, Nanking, and office [of] the Ambassador at Hankow, provide a temporary office for the United States Embassy staff during the time when Nanking was greatly endangered by military operations and to afford a refuge for American and other foreign nationals.

(3) That due to intensive shell fire around Nanking the U.S.S. Panay had changed berth several times to avoid being hit and, on the morning of December 12, 1937, formed a convoy of Socony Oil Company vessels, principally the S. S. Meiping, Meihsia and Meian, and proceeded upriver.

(4) That adequate steps were taken at all times to assure that the Japanese authorities were informed of the movements of the U.S.S. Panay.

(5) That in addition [to] her regular complement the U.S.S. Panay had on board at this time four members of the American Embassy staff, four American nationals and five foreign nationals.

(6) That at zero nine forty while standing upriver, the U.S.S. Panay stopped in response to a signal from a Japanese landing boat; a Japanese Army boarding officer with guard went on board and was informed that the U.S.S. Panay and convoy were proceeding to anchorage 28 miles above Nanking; no warning was given of any danger likely to be encountered.

(7) That at about eleven hundred December 12, 1937, the U.S.S. Panay and convoy anchored in the Yangtze River in a compact group at about mileage two hundred twenty-one above Woosung, twenty-eight miles above Nanking.

(8) That the U.S.S. Panay was painted white with buff upper works and stacks and displayed two large horizontal flags on her upper deck awnings plus large colors at her gaff.

(9) That the Socony Vacuum ships Meiping, Meihsia and Meian each displayed numerous horizontal and vertical American flags all of large size.

(10) That at thirteen thirty the crew of the U.S.S. Panay were engaged in normal Sunday routine and were all on board except a visiting party of eight men on board the S. S. Meiping.

(11) That at about thirteen thirty eight, three large Japanese twin-motored planes in a vee formation were observed at a considerable height passing overhead downriver. At this time no other craft were in the near vicinity of the Panay and convoy and there was no reason to believe the ships were in a dangerous area.

(12) That without warning these three Japanese planes released several bombs, one or two of which struck on or very close to the bow of the U.S.S. Panay and another which struck on or very close to the S. S. Meiping.

(13) That the bombs of the first attack did considerable damage to the U.S.S. Panay, disabling the forward three-inch gun, seriously injuring the Captain and others, wrecking the pilothouse and sick bay, disabling the radio equipment, the steaming fireroom, so that all power was lost and causing leaks in the hull which resulted in the ship settling down by the head and listing to starboard, thereby contributing fundamentally to the sinking of the ship.

(14) That immediately thereafter a group of six single-engined planes attacked from ahead, diving singly and appearing to concentrate on the U.S.S. Panay, a total of about twenty bombs were dropped many striking close aboard and creating by fragments and concussions great damage to ship and personnel. These attacks lasted about twenty minutes during which time at least two of the planes attacked also with machine guns, one machine gun attack was directed against a ship’s boat bearing wounded ashore causing several further wounds and piercing the boat with bullets.

(15) That during the entire attack the weather was clear with high visibility and little if any wind.

(16) That the planes participating in the attacks on the U.S.S. Panay and its convoy were unmistakingly identified by their markings as being Japanese.

(17) That immediately after the first bomb struck air-defense stations were manned, the 30-caliber machine guns battery opened fire and engaged the attacking planes throughout the remainder of the attack. The three-inch battery was not manned nor were any three-inch shells fired at any time. This was in accordance with the ships air-defense bill.

(18) That during the bombing many were injured by flying fragments and concussion and all suffered shock on the first bomb. The Captain suffered a broken hip and severe shock; soon thereafter Lieutenant Anders, Executive Officer, was wounded by fragments in throat and hands, losing power of speech; Lieutenant J. G. Geist, Engineer Officer, received fragments in the leg; Ensign Biwerse had clothing blown off and was severely shocked. This included all the line officers of the ship, the Captain being disabled, the Executive Officer carried on his duties giving orders in writing. He issued instructions to secure confidential publications, to get underway and to beach the ship. Extensive damages prevented getting under way.

(19) That at about fourteen hundred, believing it impossible to save the ship and considering the number of wounded and the length of time necessary to transfer them ashore in two small boats, the Captain ordered the ship to be abandoned. This was completed by about fifteen hundred. By this time the main deck was awash and the Panay appeared to be sinking.

(20) All severely wounded were transferred ashore in the first trips, the Captain protested in his own case; the Executive Officer, when no longer able to carry on due to wounds, left the ship on the next to the last trip; and Ensign Biwerse remained until the last trip.

(21) That after the Panay had been abandoned Mahlmann, c. b. m., and Weimers, m. m. first, returned to the Panay in one of the ship’s boats to obtain stores and medical supplies. While they were returning to the beach, a Japanese powerboat filled with armed Japanese soldiers approached close to the Panay, opened fire with a machine gun, went along side, boarded and left within five minutes.

(22) That at fifteen fifty four the U.S.S. Panay, shortly after the Japanese boarding party had left, rolled over to starboard and sank in from seven to ten fathoms of water, approximate latitude 30–44–30 north, longitude 117–27 east. Practically no valuable government property was salvaged.

(23) That after the Panay survivors had reached the left bank of the river, the Captain, in view of his own injuries and the injuries and shock sustained by his remaining line officers and the general feeling that attempts would be made to exterminate the survivors, requested Captain F. N. Roberts, United States Army, who was not injured and who was familiar with land operations and the Chinese language, to act under his directions as his immediate representative. Captain Roberts functioned in this capacity until the return of the Panay’s crew on board the U.S.S. Oahu on 15 December, 1937, performing outstanding service.

(24) That Messrs. Atcheson and Paxton of the United States Embassy staff rendered highly valuable services on shore where their knowledge of the country and language coupled with their resourcefulness and sound advice contributed largely to the safety of the party.

(25) That after some fifty hours ashore during which time the entire party suffered much hardship and exposure somewhat mitigated by the kindly assistance of the Chinese, they returned and boarded the U.S.S. Oahu and H. M. S. Ladybird.

(26) That from the beginning of an unprecedented and unlooked-for attack of great violence until their final return, the ship’s company and passengers of the U.S.S. Panay were subjected to grave danger and continuous hardship; their action under these conditions was in keeping with the best traditions of the naval service.

(27) That among the Panay passengers Mr. Sandro Sandri died of his injuries at thirteen thirty, 13 December; Messrs. J. Hall Paxton, Emile Gassie and Roy Squires were wounded.

(28) That early in the bombing attacks the Standard Oil vessel got underway, Meiping and Meihsia secured to a pontoon at the Kaiyuan wharf and the Meian was disabled and beached further down the river on the left bank. All these ships received injuries during the first phases of the bombing. Serious fires on the Meiping were extinguished by the Panay visiting party of eight men who were unable to return to their ship.

(29) That after attacks on the Panay had ceased the Meiping and Meihsia were further attacked by Japanese bombing planes, set on fire and destroyed. Just previous to this bombing Japanese army units on shore near the wharf attempted to avert this bombing by waving Japanese flags; they were not successful and received several casualties. It is known that Captain Carlson of the Meian was killed and that Messrs. Marshall, Vines, Pickering and Squires were wounded. Casualties among the Chinese crews of these vessels were numerous but cannot be fully determined.

(30) That the following members of the Panay crew landed on shore from the Meiping after vainly attempting to extinguish oil and gasoline fires on board: V. F. Puckett, c. m. m.; J. A. Granes, g. m. first; J. A. Dirnhoffer, seaman first; T. A. Coleman, c.p.h.m.; J. A. Bonkoski, g.m. third; R. L. Browning, g.m. third; J. L. Hodge, fireman first; and W. T. Hoyle, m.m. second. These men encountered Japanese soldiers on shore who were not hostile on learning they were Americans.

(31) That all of the Panay crew from the Meiping except J. L. Hodge, fireman first, remained in one group ashore until the following day when they were rescued by H. M. S. Bee. Hodge made his way to Wuhu and returned Shanghai via Japanese naval plane on 14 December.

(32) That, in searching for and rescuing the survivors, Rear Admiral Holt, R. N., and the officers and men of H. M. S. Bee and H. M. S. Ladybird rendered most valuable assistance under trying and difficult conditions thereby showing a fine spirit of helpfulness and cooperation.

(33) That Charles L. Ensminger, s. c. first, died at thirteen thirty 13 December at Hohsien, China, from wounds received during the bombing of the U.S.S. Panay and that his death occurred in line of duty, not the result of his own misconduct.

(34) That Edgar C. Hulsebus, coxswain, died at zero six thirty, 19 December at Shanghai, China, from wounds received during the bombing of the U.S.S. Panay and that his death occurred in line of duty, not the result of his own misconduct.

(35) That Lieutenant Commander James J. Hughes, Lieutenant Arthur F. Anders, Lieutenant (jg) John W. Geist, John H. Lang, c.q.m., Robert R. Hebard, fireman first, Kenneth J. Rice, e.m. third, Carl H. Birk, e.m. first, Charles Schroyer, seaman first, Alex Kozak, m.m. second, Peres D. Ziegler, s.c. third, and Newton L. Davis, fireman first, were seriously injured in line of duty, not the result of their own misconduct.

(36) That Lieutenant Clark G. Grazier, m.c, Ensign Denis H. Biwerse, Charles S. Adams, r.e.m. second, Tony Barba, s.c. third, John A. Bonkoski, g.m. third, Ernest C. Branch, fireman first, Raymond L. Browning, e.m. third, Walter Cheatham, coxswain, Thomas A. Coleman, c.p.h.m., John A. Dirnhoffer, seaman first, Yuan T. Erh, m.a.t.t. first, Fred G. Fichtenmayer, cm. first, Emery F. Fisher, c.w.t., Michael Gerent, m.m. second, Cecil B. Green, seaman first, John L. Hodge, fireman first, Fon B. Huffman, w.t. second, Karl H. Johnson, m.m. second, Carl H. Kerske, coxswain, Peter H. Klumpers, c.m.m., William P. Lander, seaman first, Ernest R. Mahlmann, c.b.m., William A. McCabe, fireman first, Stanley W. McEowen, seaman first, James H. Peck, q.m. second, Reginald Peterson, r.m. second, Vernon F. Puckett, c.m.m., King F. Sung, m.a.t.t. first, Harry B. Tuck, seaman first, Cleo E. Waxier, b.m. second, John T. Weber, yeoman first, and Far Z. Wong, m.a.t.t. first, were slightly injured in line of duty, not the result of their own misconduct.

The Commander in Chief of the

United States Asiatic Fleet (Yarnell)

to the Secretary of the Navy (Swanson)

December 23, 1937

[Received 10:50 a.m.]

0023. The following is the opinion of the Court of Inquiry ordered to investigate the bombing and sinking of the U. S. S. Panay. The opinion is approved.

Opinion was that the U. S. S. Panay was engaged in carrying out the well-established policy of the United States of protecting American lives and property.

2. That the Japanese aviators should have been familiar with the characteristics and distinguishing markings of the Panay as this ship was present at Nanking during the Japanese aerial attacks on this city.

3. That, while the first bombers might not have been able on account of their altitude to identify the U. S. S. Panay, there was no excuse for attacking without properly identifying the target, especially as it was well known that neutral vessels were present in the Yangtze River.

4. That it was utterly inconceivable that the six light bombing planes coming within about six hundred feet of the ships and attacking for over a period of twenty minutes could not be aware of the identity of the ships they were attacking.

5. That the Japanese are solely and wholely responsible for all losses which have occurred as the result of this attack.

6. That the death of C. L. Ensminger, sk first and E. W. G. Hulsebus, coxswain occurred in line of duty and were not the result of their own misconduct.

7. That the injured and wounded members of the crew of the U. S. S. Panay received their wounds and injuries in the line of duty and were not the result of their own misconduct.

8. In considering the case as a whole and attending incidents that the court is of the opinion that no offenses have been committed nor blame incurred by any member of the naval service involved. 1735.

 

Summary of the Events Leading to the Sinking of the U.S.S. Panay

Summary of Events at Nanking

Between November 21 and December 10, 1937

Nanking, December 10, 1937

On November 21, 1937, the Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs at Nanking asked the American Ambassador to inform the latter’s colleagues of the Minister’s imminent departure from Nanking and of his desire that the foreign Chiefs of Mission leave Nanking as soon as possible. The American Ambassador communicated this information to his colleagues and it was agreed by the Chiefs of Mission that they would leave as nearly together as possible for Hankow at which place the Chinese Foreign Office would be established.

On November 22, the various foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, together with some of their nationals, boarded vessels to depart for Hankow, the American Ambassador with part of his staff boarding the U.S.S. Luzon, flagship of the Yangtze Patrol of the United States Asiatic Fleet. Part of the staff of the American Embassy was left in Nanking to keep the Embassy functioning as long as possible in the light of the expected Japanese attack upon Nanking and to render assistance to Americans who, notwithstanding the urging of the Embassy, did not wish to leave on the Luzon. The U.S.S. Panay was instructed to remain at Nanking for the purpose of maintaining communications between the Embassy and other American diplomatic and consular officers and the Department of State and to take remaining Americans aboard when that action should appear necessary.

Upon departure from Nanking, the American Ambassador sent to the Japanese Ambassador at Shanghai by naval radio through the American Consulate General at Shanghai a message to the effect that, as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chinese Government had announced its removal to Hankow, the American Ambassador had likewise left Nanking for that city in order to perform his appropriate duties; that he had taken with him part of the Embassy staff, but the Embassy office at Nanking continued to function; and that the Embassy requested that “the Japanese military and civil authorities take note of the circumstances described above and should necessity arise accord full recognition to the diplomatic status of the Embassy personnel and premises and give them appropriate facilities and full protection”.

In the light of the situation developing, which included continuous Japanese air raids on Nanking and steady progress by Japanese forces in their march against the capital, the Code Section of the American Embassy was removed to the U.S.S. Panay on December 2. By that date, all but a few British subjects were sleeping on board a merchant hulk upriver from Nanking under the protection of British gunboats, but due to the small size of the Panay, the Americans who planned to board that ship continued to remain temporarily on shore.

On December 7 the officer in charge of the American Embassy reported to the Department that he felt that everything possible had been done for the Americans in Nanking. He pointed out that since the middle of August they had been urged to withdraw and until recently the water route to Shanghai was safe and open and river steamers were operating to Hankow until a few days before; that on November 22 the U.S.S. Luzon had offered every American still in Nanking opportunity to proceed on that vessel to Hankow; and that the U.S.S. Panay had offered to take aboard every remaining American and the Embassy had urged those Americans to board the Panay. He stated that American property had been posted with proclamations issued by the Defense Commander’s headquarters and the Embassy had issued identification cards and armbands to servants left in charge of American property. Ropes had been prepared for the use of the remaining Americans in case they later wished to escape from the city over the walls, and arrangements were being made with the military authorities to facilitate such departure. He also informed remaining Americans that his residence in the Embassy compound was at their disposal in case they were endangered in their own dwellings and that this might provide a refuge from looting and street fighting, although probably not from artillery fire because of the situation of the Embassy on exposed elevated ground. To one of the Americans remaining for the purposes of the so-called safety zone, he had given the use of his motor car for himself and other Americans, if needed, and to facilitate escape to the walls.

On December 7, Japanese forces marching on Nanking reached the outskirts of Tangshan, twenty miles east of Nanking. The officers in charge of the American, British and German Embassies decided that the remaining foreign Embassy staffs would go aboard various vessels on the following night, returning the succeeding day if that should be feasible (the officer in charge of the Italian Embassy was already aboard the U.S.S. Panay). In accordance with this decision, the American, British and German officials boarded ships on the night of December 8 and a temporary office of the American Embassy was established on the Panay. On that day, the Embassy received through the American Consulate General at Shanghai a communication, addressed by the Japanese Consul there to the Senior Consul, stating in substance that it was the earnest wish of the Japanese forces that all foreign nationals remaining in Nanking should stay away from that zone of actual fighting by evacuating from that city without delay. On the morning of December 9, the officer in charge of the American Embassy sent from the Panay a radio reply advising the Japanese Embassy of the names of the eighteen Americans planning to remain in Nanking indefinitely in connection with hospital, safety zone and newspaper work, stating that “the American Embassy requests that in case of need, the Japanese authorities give appropriate protection and facilities to these Americans” and giving notification that officers of the Embassy continued to be ashore during the daytime.

Also that morning, the officer in charge of the Embassy received a message on the Panay from an officer of the Defense Commander’s headquarters stating that the situation was serious and advising that no one go ashore. As, however, there were no other indications from the city of trouble within, three officers of the American Embassy proceeded to the Embassy buildings. Subsequently, Chinese reports indicated that Japanese units had reached the area of Molingkuan, some seventeen miles southeast of Nanking. Also on that day, Japanese troops reached a point outside the Kwangsua gate of Nanking, near the military airfield, and began exchanging machine-gun fire with Chinese troops on the city wall. Cross artillery fire between the area outside the gate and Chinese batteries on Purple Mountain was proceeding and a column of Chinese soldiers near the National Government headquarters inside the city was bombed by planes. The waterfront area at Nanking was subsequently heavily bombed and, pursuant to telegraphic instructions from the Department and at the urgent request of the Chinese military authorities, the staff of the Embassy returned to the Panay at 3 p.m., accompanied by the First Secretary of the British Embassy, who was subsequently transferred to a British gunboat.