Nagasaki Decoy, 9 August 1945

1st Lt. Whipps on a mission to Kyushu, in his B-25 Mitchell medium bomber, summer 1945.

by John D. Whipps

"What the heck is that?" asked the enlisted waist gunner over the radio. The co-pilot looked at the awesome sight outside of his right side window. He took it in, then told the young man and the rest of the crew, "I don't know … but let's get the hell out of here." My father was the pilot, then First Lieutenant William Washington Whipps, Jr., or "Billy" as he was known to all of the guys. Billy spoke up. He excitedly exclaimed…

For the pilots and crews of the Seventh Air Force, 396th Bomb Group, the day began at 0500 hours. Billy awoke in his olive drab, canvas U.S. Army tent. It was framed up on a wooden plank platform, about eight inches off of the sandy ground of the Japanese island called Okinawa. He yawned, wiped the sleep from his eyes, stumbled up from his cot and went over to the latrine. With a towel in his hand, Billy strolled over to the makeshift shower facility.

This island luxury consisted of a six foot by four foot rectangular, three sided, wood framed stall with canvas walls and a wooden roof. Any onlooker could only see a bather's feet. The water came from six fifty-gallon barrels outfitted with a simple spigot to turn the water on and off. The barrels were suspended overhead on wooden planks spanning the stall. Under the planks was a plywood sheet with holes in it, through which the spigot protruded.

The cool but humid, morning air would warm to a balmy film that seemed to cover everything. It was partly cloudy and still dark. The light, ocean breeze had a musty, moldy smell to it. It was the beginning of a typical South Pacific day. This morning was like scores of other days on this recently "liberated" territory.

Just the week before, the Marines had to burn out a handful of Japanese soldiers that had holed up in one of the many caves on the other side of the island. However, the airfield had been "secured" for some weeks. Okinawa had been taken at a great cost of life and equipment after a long and bloody battle. One hundred thousand civilians, 10,000 to 14,000 Allies and tens of thousands of Japanese soldiers died in the battle. It was a strategically important conquest in the Allied forces' island-hopping strategy. This effort narrowed the valuable distance by which Allied planes could strike targets on the Japanese mainland.

Dressed now in his flight suit, Billy and a couple of his squadron buddies went to the mess tent, to indulge in the morning meal. The guys had lost count of how many times they had that same breakfast: powdered eggs, powdered milk, Spam, warm pineapple juice and coffee.

They thought, "Oh, well. It's this or nothing." After all, it was not that many years ago that any meal was in short supply. One could not forget the Great Depression.

Back at his tent by 0530 hours, Billy knew he had thirty minutes until the 0600 pre-flight briefing. Billy wandered over to the flight line to check on his baby, a Mitchell B-25, modified, medium bomber with eight fifty-caliber machine guns mounted in the nose. With the guns in the wings, the plane had eleven fifty-caliber guns pointing forward. The flight leader was the only one of six planes that had a glass nose. The modified B-25s had been specially adapted with extra machine guns, to be able to provide close air support for Allied ground troops in battle. The B-25 could also drop a host of ordnance such as fragmentation, napalm, incendiary and five-hundred-pound high explosive bombs.

Billy saw his crew chief prepping his plane emblazoned with the name of "Miss Most" and a shapely, almost naked, painted lady who alluringly beckoned and teased the viewer. The Chief had a well-chewed cigar stub stuck out of his mouth. It was probably the same stub he had from last week. So far from home, you just did not throw such treasures away, until you absolutely had to.

Billy asked, "Hey, Chief. How's it looking today?"

The experienced mechanic looked up and told him, "This bucket of bolts is a flying wreck! It's held together with chewing gum and bailing wire."

Billy chuckled and replied, "If anyone can make chewing gum fly, it's you Chief."

Billy then went back to the tent quarters area and pulled a napkin out of his pocket that wrapped a glob of Spam and eggs. He had brought it from the mess tent. A young spider monkey came trotting toward him, shrieking with expectation of a meal. The monkey, named "Corky," was a mischievous little fellow. He got into everything. Billy wished he could spend more time with him, to try and tame him a little bit. Unfortunately, the war kept him too busy to lie around playing with monkeys.

Billy daydreamed of his time in a previous assignment, when he flew in a squadron of P-51 fighter planes. He remembered that there was more "down time" to relax. Each week brought several missions of pure terror, escorting bombers, engaging Japanese fighters in aerial combat, or providing ground support to Marine and Army troops fighting to take a small island from the enemy. This was typically followed by several hours of personal time. It was either terror or boredom. What a choice!

There was one special individual that helped pass the time and made him feel half way normal. He replayed a similar scene in his mind. Each day, he used to take out a napkin of food from his pocket after breakfast. A small, brown and white, yapping terrier would come running toward him. This canine character was "Turbo," the squadron's mascot. Amidst so much death and destruction on a daily basis, the dog was a welcome reminder of innocent life. Billy and the guys really loved that little pup.

As 0600 approached, Billy sauntered over to the Operations tent where the mission briefing was to take place. It was, of course, also an olive drab canvas tent on a wooden platform. Only it was many times the size of the sleeping tents. Today the briefing was held outside the tent. A typhoon had hit the island a day or two before. The Operations tent was heavily damaged and had not yet been repaired. The sun had just risen.

About sixty aviators had assembled to hear the planned activities for the day. They were the pilots and crews for twelve of the squadron's sixty planes. Each B-25 had two pilots and a crew of five. Billy's flight Squadron B, had twelve aircraft. Most of the crews were there. Some of the attendees stood. Some of them sat on the ground. Looking at the gathered faces, you would have thought you were at a high school pep rally. But there was something different in their eyes, sadness or weariness beyond their years.

At twenty-four, Billy was nicknamed "the old man" or "Papa Willy" amongst his squadron colleagues. Being twenty-four, he still had the good looks and boisterous good humor of a young man. But he also had grown up fast amidst the horrors of war. Billy calculated that, from his first flight school, until that morning, eighty-five percent of his fellow pilots and countrymen had died in combat or "operational losses," those whose planes went down due to mechanical failure or weather. These deaths occurred during both combat missions and training exercises.

To Billy and the other Americans gathered there, it did not matter. Their friends were still dead, really dead. The young men at the briefing knew they were the lucky ones. They were still alive. They did not have a cavalier attitude that laughed in the face of death. Under those trying circumstances, one learned to take life, one day at a time.

During official military functions and when in public, the enlisted crew addressed their pilots as "Lieutenant" or "Sir." But when on their own or in the air, they called each other by their first names. They were pals under extremely difficult circumstances. They became very close friends. After all, they were dependent upon each other for their very lives.

The briefing took about thirty minutes. Although it was a relaxed atmosphere, it was still a military presentation. The Squadron Commander, Colonel Baywater, opened the briefing. "The main mission of the day is a raid on Kagashima Airfield, seventy-five miles south of Nagasaki and we'll hit other installations that have been hit before. We don't expect any anti-aircraft artillery or Jap fighters, but it's still possible. Listen to your Ops Officer. We want you back in one piece. Good Luck."

The "Ops" or Operations Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Sevilla, was the second in command. He stepped up to speak. "You will be flying at 10,000 feet and dropping down to 200 feet to strafe any other targets. Captains Minehan and Smith and the Armaments Officer will give you the weather, intelligence, targets and any other details on armaments. We'll take off at 0715."

He told them there would be B-29 bombers in the area. He gave them the B-29s flight path and coordinates. He said they would be flying at 30,000 feet. He gave no indication of the B-29's targets, but provided an ominous caution to those in front of him, "Stay out of that area."

He continued, "The order of flight will be the 396th first." He ran down the list of instructions on the flight order. He added, "You'll have no fighter escort from here. Your main target is Kagashima. Your secondary is Japanese shipping targets along the southern coast of Kyushu. Your bombing altitude will be 8,000 feet. The targets are one hundred and fifty miles from base. You'll get back about 1325. Your radio call sign is 'Grateful.' Now I'll turn you over to the Intelligence Officer, who will let you know what's going on over the target."

Captain Minehan, from Intelligence, then took over the presentation. "There are no reports of any AAA guns. Yesterday's target picture showed no aircraft on the airfield and no replacements of AAA emplacements. AAA is still active at these places." He pointed to a map on a wooden easel. "There is still some AAA at the railroad. Good luck. That's all I have to report. I'll turn you over to the Weather Officer."

Captain Smith stood up and spoke, "En route to your targets, you'll find medium cloud cover. It'll break up over here." He also pointed on the map. "At last report, there was medium cloud cover over the targets. I'll turn you over to the Armaments Officer."

This officer, also a Captain, stepped forward and said, "Today, you're going to have four five-hundred-pound bombs and fuse delay demolition bombs. You are all familiar with these five-hundred-pounders. We'll be dropping from 8,000 feet. Bombardiers, if you have any questions, we'll meet after the briefing. That's all I've got to tell you. If there are no questions, this briefing is concluded. Good Luck!"

Just before being dismissed, one of the pilots from each plane was given their flight orders for that day. Billy got it and read it. Billy would fly with eleven other B-25s.

The pertinent parts of the flight order read as follows:

STATIONS: 0700.

TAKE OFF: 0715; ORDER: 396th, 47th, 46th, 820th.

PRIMARY TARGET: Kagashima

SECONDARY TARGET: Kanoya.

TERTIARY TARGET: Chiran

The secondary target was a large fighter airbase and manufacturing center. Kanoya was a city located just several miles from Nagasaki, a major seaport on Kyushu.

The third target, if both of the other targets were unavailable due to bad weather, was the southernmost Japanese fighter airfield of Chiran.

Their secondary mission was to strafe any "targets of opportunity" that they might encounter such as a Japanese navy ship, aircraft on the ground, trains, or troops being transported south toward the coast. The Japanese were amassing troops on Kyushu for the expected Allied invasion of their homeland.

At this stage of the war, the Japanese had very few fighter planes left. But there were still some. They most likely became Kamikaze suicide pilots. Although their Zero fighters were no match for our P-51 Mustangs ("Cadillacs of the Skies"), they could still do serious damage by crashing into U.S. Navy ships, airbases or other U.S. aircraft on the ground or in flight.

 There was also an unspoken third mission which was to be decoys to draw any threatening Japanese aircraft or anti-aircraft fire away from any B-29 bombers in the area.

Billy and his co-pilot went through their pre-flight checklist like they had done a hundred, maybe a thousand times before. On their Okinawan runway, the planes lined up, one behind the other, now ready for takeoff. The engines roared in unison, like thunder. They headed in the direction of the wind to maximize lift. Once airborne, the planes in the flight maneuvered to form a V shape, with the Flight Leader at the point of the wedge.

The flight from Okinawa to Kyushu lasted about ninety minutes. It was entirely over open ocean. There was no land and nowhere to land if you had to in an emergency. If your plane went down with mechanical problems, you and your crew were simply lost.

It was a full-time job to keep the bomber in the air at the right altitude and speed, at the appropriate distance from your wingman, adjusting to the winds, and in formation. The pilots constantly swept their eyes over the instrument panel of gauges, to make sure the plane was in proper operation. Something as simple as having too rich a fuel/air mixture could mean disaster such as running out of gas on the way home. Your plane would go down and it would be too late to do anything about it. Billy, the pilot, had the responsibility for carrying out the mission and protecting the lives of the other five crew members. One mistake and everybody died. It was an awesome responsibility borne by Billy and the other pilots.

It was different when Billy was flying the single seat P-47 and P-51 fighters. As long as he did not fly into anything or anyone, it was just his skin if he screwed up. But after making the transition over to medium bombers, he found himself with several others to take care of, in combat and on the ground.

Billy told the crew, "We're approaching the primary target area." The co-pilot looked through the bomb sight. He told Billy that the target was totally obscured with cloud cover. He advised them to go to the secondary target, Kanoya. Billy concurred and headed that way, hoping for better weather.

Some minutes later, they approached the airfield. They dropped from 10,000 feet to 8,000 feet. This time there was no "ack-ack" or anti-aircraft artillery to contend with. The Japanese war machine was quickly running out of ammunition. The co-pilot looked through his target viewfinder and waited for just the right moment. Three seconds, two seconds, one second more. "Bombs away!" The four five-hundred-pound, high explosive bombs and delayed fuse demolition bombs went spinning and hurling to the ground below. First he saw the flash, then the concussion. Then they all heard the low rumble of the blasts over the noise of the B-25's engines.

Then Billy took the plane down to two hundred feet "off the deck" and raced over the target that they had just bombed moments before. He saw a fighter plane surrounded by some trucks on the ground and quickly pounded it with all of the fifty caliber guns. The pilots worked perfectly in tandem. Billy flew the aircraft and aimed the guns so the bullets would rake over the ground target. The co-pilot squeezed the trigger at just the right time to inflict the maximum damage. Burst after burst, tore into the fighter and the trucks, ripping them to pieces. Rat-tat-tat-tat-tat-tat.

The bullets completely destroyed them, turning the military equipment into an impressive blaze of fire and twisted metal. Another added benefit of firing off so many bullets, in addition to destroying the target, was losing the weight. Getting rid of the heavy bullets lightened the load for the flight back. Less weight meant better gas mileage and a better chance to make it back to the base.

They pulled up and away from the scene below. The other planes followed suit after discharging their deadly cargo on the Emperor's kingdom below. After raiding Kanoya they prepared for the return flight. Billy and his navigator plotted their course over the southern half of the island as they had done many times before.

After rising and veering away from the area, Billy pointed his aircraft in a northwest direction and started up and along the coastal route toward the designated post-bombing rendezvous position. This route took him over Kagashima, Izumi, Hondo, and Nagasaki, before heading west out over the ocean. Nagasaki was located at about the middle of the island on the western coast. The trip from Kanoya on the southern tip of Kyushu to Nagasaki was about one hundred and twenty air miles and took about fifteen minutes to complete. After about ten or twelve minutes, the Flight Leader suddenly came on the radio. "Circle over the water, fifteen miles out." He gave them a specific geocoordinate to go to.

Billy remarked, "That's strange. We've never had to do that before." The planes gathered out over the ocean, circling around and around at 10,000 feet, out from the port city familiar to all of them. As Billy banked the aircraft around to the right on the fourth turn, the seaport started to come into view.

The waist gunner peered out of the left side window, to survey the bomb damage that had occurred from the strikes inflicted on the port facilities in the recent past. He could scarcely believe his eyes. "What the heck is that?"

To get a better view, the plane was leveled off as it paralleled the coast. The co-pilot took in the sight, then said, "I don't know; but let's get the hell out of here!"

From the left front seat, Billy now had a full view of it. He looked out his side window with fascination. Although the information was sketchy, there was a report that a similar thing had occurred a few days before. Then it clicked. Billy looked at his co-pilot, then excitedly exclaimed, "It's a fucking atomic bomb!" About that time, the Flight Leader came back on the radio, "Flight Leader. Return to base. Return to base!"

Billy lingered as he watched something he had never seen before and never would again. The cloud was brown, gray and black. Oddly enough, Billy thought to himself, "It's shaped like a mushroom." He was only about fifteen miles away from it. It was boiling upwards and fast. It went through 10,000, then 20,000, then 30,000 feet and continued to rise through the atmosphere. Billy added, "It's just got to be one of those atomic bombs!"

Luckily, someone had the presence of mind to snap some photographs of the eerie sight. The crew was talking about the strange mushroom. Was it wonderful? They could not decide. About every other word was an expletive, used to try and describe the world's second and last atomic bomb exploded in anger. This one detonated over the harbor city of Nagasaki on 9 August 1945.

The planes headed back toward Okinawa. Although everybody was strangely attracted to the devastating explosion, they wasted no time in vacating the area. On the way back the flight was punctuated by long periods of contemplative silence and colorful chatter. Billy and his co-pilot also talked about it on the way back. Upon reflection, Billy told him, "All those poor people down there." His colleague replied, "Wasn't the other one supposed to look like all the colors of the rainbow?" Billy shrugged his shoulders. Back in 1945, on a distant island during wartime, there was no instant communication, no CNN. Thankfully, everybody made it safely back to Okinawa. No plane was even damaged by anti-aircraft fire.

After the crew left the parked aircraft, Billy and his fellow flyer, as normal, went to be debriefed by the intelligence personnel. This time, Captain Minehan and his inquisitors seemed to look at them a little differently as they walked over to the area outside the damaged Operations tent. After the perfunctory questions about the route, weather, targets, bomb damage assessments, photos, the munitions expended, they got to what they really wanted to talk about. It was as if the questioners were anxious to get past the mission specifics, so they could ask about 'the bomb.'

The questions seemed simple at the time. In retrospect, they indicated just how little we knew about exploding atom bombs. Billy answered the peculiar queries.

"What was your altitude, when you saw it?"

"Ten thousand feet."

"How far away from it were you?"

"About fifteen miles."

"Did you feel any heat?"

"No."

"Was anyone in your crew blinded?"

"Nope."

"Did your aircraft buffet or shake from the force of it?"

"Uh-uh."

"What did it look like?"

He described its characteristics and what they saw.

"What did it do?"

He described its motion. Finally, the debriefing ended.

The two pilots surmised that their Flight Leader was probably the only one of their group of planes that knew of the secret A-bomb mission. Billy later learned that, unknown to everyone else, a B-29 bomber had taken off from Guam and quietly slipped in behind their group of B-25s, using them as a cover to drop the bomb. They did not yet have the technology of airborne radar to see the B-29 and it was flying much higher and behind them. It turned out that the B-25's ancillary decoy purpose was indeed a rather important one.

Needless to say, the 'mushroom bomb' was the topic of conversation around the airbase. But for some pilots, who were not on that particular mission, although interesting, it did not keep their attention for long. They had their own flight to make, their own targets to hit. The war was still on. The Japanese were still fighting for the Emperor, for the Land of the Rising Sun. Billy wondered to himself, 'It must have been a terrific shock for the Japanese, to suffer the American weapon, with the power of the sun, over the Emperor's land at Nagasaki.'

Some days later, Billy, his co-pilot and their crew, along with several other B-25s found themselves once again winging their way toward Kyushu to inflict yet another punishing attack on the now sputtering Japanese war machine. Although they had not yet given up, the massive Allied effort was having the desired effect.

On the way there, one of the bombers developed engine trouble. First one engine quit, then the other. Slowly, the mighty B-25 appeared to glide backwards, then down and down some more. The group flew onward, but not before a bunch of the guys got on the radio and wished their comrades an emotional "Thank You and Farewell." Several salutes were rendered from those watching through the windows of the planes that remained flying. The poignant, last response came from the falling plane, "Tell our wives and families … that we love them." It continued its descent, silently plunging toward the South Pacific Ocean and certain death. It was another 'operational loss.' Many wondered, "Would they never end?"

About three quarters of the way to their target destination, the Flight Leader came on the radio and told all of the planes, "O.K. boys, turn it around and head back to base." Someone asked him, "Why? What's wrong?" The Flight Leader, who had heard something from their airbase on his radio, replied, "The Japanese surrendered. The war's over boys. Let's go home."

A boisterous cheer burst out of Billy and his entire crew. "The war's over! Yahoo!" Then a solemn hush fell over the crew as they all simultaneously remembered their buddies that went down only minutes ago. The collective, unspoken thought was, "Of all the days …"

The flight home was a mixture of personal reflection, outbursts of happiness, memories of lost friends, the horrors of war and thoughts of being reunited with their families and sweethearts. There was only the tentative beginning of a realization that this sadly familiar life of conflict and death in foreign lands might actually be coming to an end.

For Billy, a recent image resurfaced in his mind, that of the Nagasaki atomic bomb boiling up outside his pilot's window. That moment that changed the course of history was forever frozen in the memory of First Lieutenant William Washington Whipps. The events of 9 August 1945 will be remembered by all of us, particularly the participants in the South Pacific War.

We will never forget those that perished in World War II, nor will we forget the survivors. They came home, raised families and built modern America. The horribly effective Nagasaki atomic bomb explosion witnessed by my father, saved untold Allied and Japanese lives. It was the powerful blow that finally ended that terrible war.

Whipps' B-25, "Miss Most." This was the plane he flew, when he witnessed the Nagasaki atomic bomb.

2nd Lt. William "Billy" Whipps, Jr., just after earning his pilot wings, in 1943.

Kanoya Airfield, Whipps' target on 9 August 1945. Note the damage from previous raids. Bomb damage assessment photo, 1945.

These photos show the total destruction of Nagasaki, Japan by the atomic bomb.


 

Armor at Oran: Operation Torch, 1942

Tanks of the 2nd RCA in Oran, 1943. The French Renault D1 tanks fought against the American armored forces at Oran in late 1942.

by William R. Betson

The Oran landings were part of Operation Torch, the 1942 Anglo-American invasion of North Africa. Oran was selected because it is a major Mediterranean port and its nearby airfields were vital.

Algeria, then a colony of defeated France, was administered and defended by the Nazi-imposed Vichy French regime. The Germans permitted the Vichy government to maintain an army in North Africa for the external defense and internal security of their colonies there. Appreciating Oran's qualities as a potential air and logistical base, the French Army stationed some 16,000 men in the port and its environs and organized them into the Oran Division of eleven infantry, seven cavalry, and five artillery battalions. The division was at about 80-85 percent strength, but Axis restrictions on vehicles and spare parts kept it relatively immobile and denied it modern armored fighting vehicles. Although the Allies considered the division's colonial infantry as second rate, they believed that the French cadre of professional officers made the division more or less battle worthy. Further, the Allies counted the division's two Foreign Legion battalions among the best troops in the world.

French resolve was also in question. No one knew if the French would actually resist the landings and fight their old American allies but if they did, the Oran Division was not to be considered an insignificant force.

Several French warships and forty-five fortified coastal defense guns raised even greater concern about an Oran landing. There were also six more guns at nearby Arzew, a potential landing site. In addition to ground troops and warships, there were about one hundred French warplanes, including modern fighters, at the airfields of La Senia and Tafaraoui. This air force was estimated to be capable of wresting local air superiority from the British carrier-based naval aircraft that would support the operation. Should the Allied force fail to quickly neutralize the French aviation, the establishment of an amphibious force ashore would prove impossible.

In addition to the threat posed by the enemy air, land and sea forces, Allied shipping assets were questionable. Until almost the last minute, no one knew how many ships would be available and at that time, there were no specialized tank landing ships (LSTs) available to put armored forces ashore. The British did provide three makeshift landing ships—converted from the shallow draft oil tankers used on Venezuela's Lake Maracaibo—but because of height restrictions, these could carry only light tanks and half-tracks; American medium tanks were too tall. Until a port was seized, armored support for the operation would be limited to the sixty M3 light tanks and sixty half-tracks which could be crammed aboard these converted ships.

In addition, the following factors were also considered to be a source of potential trouble for the Allied forces landing at Oran:

An amphibious landing had to be carried out at some distance from the port against a well-defended area.

Unless the landing force seized the local airfields quickly, the French could gain air superiority and doom the operation.

Unless the operation succeeded quickly, the French would have time to demolish the port and render the entire operation pointless.

Finally, the swift movement from the relatively distant beaches to the port and airfields would be difficult since only enough armored vehicles to equip one light tank and one mechanized infantry battalion could be quickly put ashore.

The Allies were unsure whether the Vichy French would fight. But the planners of the operation had to assume resistance would be fierce. Facing a risky undertaking, their bold use of the available armor bears our close analysis.

The Allied plan was conceived at Headquarters, Center Task Force (CTF), commanded by Lt. Gen. Lloyd R. Fredendall. The force was comprised of the 1st U.S. Infantry Division, CCB of the U.S. 1st Armored Division, an airborne battalion, elements of the U.S. 1st Engineer Special Brigade, and assorted support troops. Fredendall's staff consisted basically of the staff of the U.S. II Corps, which he also commanded.

The concept of operations was imaginative and daring. The operation would begin with a parachute assault on the main French airfield at Tafaraoui, followed by amphibious landings at three separate points on the coast. Small armored units put ashore from the makeshift LSTs would attempt to link up with the airborne force. Then all forces would converge on the port. While this was underway, an infantry battalion on board two ex-U.S. Coast Guard cutters would attempt to sail into the port, rush the docks and seize them by force. Additionally, as soon as the airfields were seized, word would be flashed to Gibraltar where the Spitfires of the 31st U.S. Fighter Group would be waiting to fly to Oran. If all went according to plan, fighters would be flown to the seized airfield and be operational by D-Day afternoon. Air superiority, a major prerequisite for success, would be assured.

Speed was essential, for the objective was to overwhelm the French before they could make up their minds to resist. No overwhelming predominance of force was being employed—the number of maneuver battalions in CTF was about equal to the number in the Oran Division—and the latter could be heavily reinforced within a few days by other French units in North Africa. The plan depended on lightning maneuver to paralyze the enemy. Since speed was such a prerequisite for success, the armored forces had an importance much beyond their numbers.

The armored combat command was divided into two task forces which would land on either flank of the assault. The first, Task Force Red, under the command of Brig. Gen. Lunsford E. Oliver, would land some 20 miles east of Oran at Beach "Z," near Arzew. Under the "Z Force" plan, two regimental combat teams of the 1st Infantry Division (16 and 18) would land and secure a foothold southeast of Arzew, while the 1st Ranger Battalion would take out a pair of coastal defense batteries north of the town. As soon as possible after the landing, TF Red would pass a flying column through the secured beachhead to race the 25 miles to the Tafaraoui airfield via Ste. Barbe-du-Tielot. The makeup of the flying column was determined by the number of vehicles that could be jammed into the two converted landing ships.

The other half of CCB, 1st Armored Division—Task Force Green under Col. Paul Robinett—would accomplish the right flank landing of the operation at "X" Beach, some 30 miles west of Oran near Mersa Bou Zedjar. TF Green's plan was similar to that at "Z" Beach. Two dismounted companies of the 6th Armored Infantry Regiment would seize a beachhead through which a flying column would pass. The only difference was that this column would move inland to Lourmel where it would receive orders from CCB to either move north of a salt marsh southwest of Oran to seize La Senia airfield, or go south of the marsh to help with the capture of Tafaraoui. As with TF Red, the size of the flying column was determined by the number of vehicles which could fit into the single landing craft allotted "X" Force.

The main bodies of the two task forces would move along the routes cleared by the flying columns as soon as the former could get ashore and organized. This would take time as the armored vehicles not delivered to the shore would have to be transported from a cargo ship to a landing craft and landed one or two at a time. In the case of the M3 medium tanks of the 2nd Battalion, 13th Armored Regiment, the docks at Arzew were required. The success of the operation then, depended on the skill and élan of the flying columns. In the final analysis, the success of the Oran landings and of Operation Torch depended on three light tank companies.

Two disasters quickly jeopardized the operation and made its success even more dependent on the 1st Armored's tankers. The airborne operation, under Lt. Col. Edson Raff, never really got started because the transport planes carrying the unit from Britain got lost. Although most of the inexperienced pilots managed to get their paratroopers to the vicinity of Oran, the 2nd Battalion, 509th Parachute Infantry, never got to the airfield until after the operation. Even then, Raff could assemble only 300 of his 556 troops.

The other disaster resulted from the attempted coup de main on the docks at Oran. The plan, Operation Reservist, called for the 1st Armored Division's 3rd Battalion, 6th Armored Infantry, to sail straight into Oran harbor aboard British-manned ex-U.S. Coast Guard cutters, dock at the wharves and seize the port facilities. CTF opposed this seemingly reckless idea, but the British pressed for its approval. The cutters approached the harbor with large American flags flying and loudspeakers announcing both the American nature of the operation and its friendly intentions, but once the two small warships broke into the harbor, they were promptly blown out of the water by French gunners firing at point-blank range. Operation Reservist remains one of the war's most complete disasters. Only forty-seven uninjured soldiers got ashore and were immediately captured.

If the armored columns met similar fates, the operation would fail.

The main landings took place uneventfully just east of Arzew at 0100 hours. The thirty-four transports of "Z" Force began to put ashore two-thirds of the 1st Infantry Division, the 1st Ranger Battalion, and the armored Task Force Red. The Rangers quickly seized the Arzew coastal batteries and the infantry secured the beaches against minimal opposition. But disembarking the tanks posed problems and took longer than planned. This delayed the operation, but by about 0820, the reconnaissance force under Capt. Samuel Yeiter, moved out from the beach, followed fifteen minutes later by the rest of the flying column commanded by Lt. Col. John K. Waters. Waters' flying column moved toward Tafaraoui airfield, covering the 25 miles to the field without opposition. At Tafaraoui, fire from French dual-purpose anti-aircraft guns halted Waters' advance. Waters directed his attached tank destroyer platoon to engage the French guns while he detached two infantry platoons to go beyond the airfield and cut the road to Oran, blocking the approach of reinforcements. Simultaneously, A Co., 1st Armored Regiment, attacked the airfield from the south while B Co., and 1st Platoon, E Co., 6th Infantry, struck from the east. Shocked by finding their inland airfield under attack by American armor, the French surrendered, quickly yielding some three hundred prisoners.

At 1215 hours, word reached Gibraltar that Tafaraoui airfield was captured and by 1630 the Spitfires of the 308th and 309th Fighter Squadrons, 31st Fighter Group, USAAF, arrived. In one bold stroke, French airpower in northwestern Algeria had been dealt a crippling blow, American air superiority was assured and the major communications route from Oran to the interior had been cut.

CCB's other element, TF Green, had a more difficult time. Although the initial echelons met no resistance, the transport landing Lt. Col. John H. Todd's flying column grounded 360 feet offshore. It took until 0815 to ferry the column's twenty-seven half-tracks, sixteen jeeps and twenty light tanks to the beach.

Once ashore, Todd's reconnaissance force departed for Lourmel where it clashed briefly with a French armored car of the 2nd Chasseurs d'Afrique. Soon, the rest of the force was rolling and by 1135 was in Lourmel. Todd had been in Lourmel for about thirty minutes when the TF commander directed him to take the northern route to the La Senia airfield because TF Red needed no help at Tafaraoui. Leaving one tank platoon to outpost Lourmel, he set off with a much depleted force of fifteen tanks and several half-tracks.

Communications problems then began to plague TF Green. Units moving to Lourmel lost contact with the beach because of the intervening high ground. The flying column lost contact with the task force and Robinett had no idea of his subordinate's position or situation until the next day when the main body of TF Green closed on La Senia. As Todd maneuvered to overcome resistance from French armored cars at Bou Tlelis, he lost contact with his assault gun section and a tank platoon. These losses, plus two tanks damaged by enemy fire, further reduced Todd's force to seven light tanks and a few half-tracks—out of the force of forty-seven armored vehicles that had left "X" Beach. Deep in the rear of a 16,000-man enemy division, he pushed on with his puny force and destroyed a 75-mm gun position at Bredea Station. After meeting more resistance near Misserrhin, he halted for the night.

Robinett followed Todd, collecting his stragglers. Headquarters picked up Todd's detached platoon at Lourmel and collected Todd's other elements near Bou Tlelis. With most of the flying column now under his direct command, Robinett spent the night between Bou Tlelis and Bredea Station. Thus, at the end of D-Day, TF Green lay scattered between Mersa Bou Zedjar on the coast at "X" Beach, and Misserrhin, its precarious position aggravated by communications difficulties. Had the French counterattacked, they could have defeated Robinett's command in detail.

But despite all these problems, plus the failures of the airborne landings and the harbor assault, CTF had securely established all three beachheads and captured the critical airfield at Tafaraoui. Some 14,000 troops were ashore and progressing toward their objectives. At "Y" Beach, the 26th Regimental Combat Team had made good progress and was in contact with the French 2nd Zouaves Regiment on the Djebel (Mountain) Murjadjo. The 18th and 16th RCTs had pushed well inland, meeting serious resistance only at St. Cloud where the 1st Battalion of the 1st Foreign Legion Regiment and the 16th Tunisian Tirailleurs were well entrenched. At sea, the Allied naval escort had easily repulsed several forays by French naval units and destroyed or neutralized the coastal artillery positions.

On the other hand, the operation was not yet out of the woods. Units of CCB were deep within enemy territory, and difficult or impossible to support should they get in trouble. The French had resisted much more firmly than expected; the Zouaves on the Djebel and, especially, the Legionnaires at St. Cloud, had fought spiritedly and skillfully. In fact, CTF at first decided that St. Cloud, astride the main supply route from "Z" Beach to Oran, would have to be taken before the final assault on Oran could begin.

The French high command realized, of course, that its relatively numerous dispersed forces could be defeated in detail. So, they concentrated their available mobile formations into two light mechanized brigades for use as rapid reaction forces. But their obsolescent Renault R-35s were no match for even the M3 light tanks.

The French command had positioned one of these brigades south of Oran, near Sidi-bel-Abbes (home of the Foreign Legion) and, upon hearing of the American landings, they ordered this force to attack northward, recapture Tafaraoui, and breakthrough to Oran.

In contrast to the French command's sluggish reactions, the Americans now demonstrated their flexibility. Expecting an attack from Sidi-bel-Abbes, they used air patrols to reconnoiter the roads north of that town. The French move was observed and the American command reacted quickly. CTF sent dive bombers to attack the column and rushed a platoon each of light tanks and tank destroyers, plus the only two debarked medium tanks of the 2nd Battalion, 13th Armored Regiment, forward from the docks at Arzew. In addition, Fredendall held most of TF Red at the Tafaraoui airfield instead of moving it north to attack Valmy. This last move was decisive.

The Americans were ready when the French brigade made contact with the reconnaissance platoon of the 1st Battalion, 1st Armored Regiment, on the afternoon of 9 November 1942, near Ste. Barbe-du-Tielot. This would be the U.S. Army's first North African tank-versus-tank action and it ended quickly with victory for the Americans.

While Lt. Robert Whitsit's platoon of the 701st Tank Destroyer Battalion laid down a fire base, Capt. William Tuck's B Co., 1st Armored Regiment, attacked the French in an inverted wedge formation. The old, slow Renaults were no match for the U.S. tanks and the qualitative difference was decisive. Tuck's tankers knocked out fourteen French tanks in rapid succession. The commander of the 1st Battalion, 1st Armored Regiment, described the action as more of a tragic massacre than a battle. The French light mechanized brigade retreated and did not again threaten the landings. The Americans lost one tank, one half-track, and one man.

Another French effort caused the American commanders more worry. Near La Macta, on the far eastern flank of the U.S. landings, elements of the 2nd Algerian Tirailleurs infiltrated the positions of the 1st Battalion, 16th U.S. Infantry, and temporarily cut off the Americans. However, by the time relief armored units reached the area, the 16th Infantry had restored the situation.

The failure of the counterattacks meant that the French could not reinforce Oran before the Americans could conduct a coordinated attack. The city's defense would lay in the hands of its approximately five infantry battalions and one cavalry regiment, a force decidedly inferior to the thirteen-plus better-equipped U.S. battalions now ashore. But all was not yet lost for the French. Their force had not yet suffered severe casualties, and they could concentrate their still-fresh infantry battalions in an arc of relatively strong positions south of the cities of St. Cloud Arcole, Valmy, La Senia, Misserrhin and the Djebel Murdjadjo.

As daylight broke on the 9th, Todd's greatly depleted flying column on the other side of Oran resumed its march toward the La Senia airfield. Bypassing Misserrhin, Todd thrust his small force between the French positions at Valmy and La Senia, surprising and overrunning the airfield, capturing a few planes, some 75-mm artillery pieces, and a considerable number of prisoners. He then deployed his puny force, now surrounded on three sides by superior French forces, and on the fourth by an impossible marsh. Although the French directed artillery fire onto the airfield, for some reason they never attacked this weak and exposed force. Todd hung on and was joined that afternoon by a tank company and mechanized platoon which Oliver had detached from TF Red and sent to the airfield. This reinforcement enabled Todd to conduct a spoiling attack that silenced the most troublesome French artillery battery.

Meanwhile, Robinett, with elements of both the flying column and the main body, moved out at dawn from his position near Bredea. His force made rapid progress until it reached the French outpost at Misserrhin where he took artillery fire. Replying with his self-propelled guns of the 27th Artillery, Robinett ordered an attack on the town. But having no infantry (it was left back at Er Rahel), he could either wait until infantry could be brought up from Mersa Bou Zedjar, or take his command around Misserrhin through the only route left to him, the supposedly impassable Sebkra marsh. Robinett still had no communications with Todd, but knew that the remnants of the flying column were weak and might be destroyed by a French counterattack.

Robinett decided to attempt to bypass by moving through the marsh. In the dying light, Robinett's force immediately set out. Slowly, and with many halts to recover mired vehicles, the force struggled through the lake bed. The mud seemed like wet cement, and Robinett began to despair of getting through. Finally, at about midnight, Robinett drove on ahead of his column in a jeep to attempt to make contact with Todd, who had traversed the marsh during daylight. Robinett found a guide that Todd had posted, and closed on Todd at about 0400—and none too soon. Todd's force was out of fuel and running out of ammunition. Robinett's arrival coupled with that of Lt. Col. William Kern and half of the 1st Battalion, 6th Infantry Regiment at daybreak, assured the position at La Senia airfield.

While CCB was securing La Senia airfield and defeating the French counterattacks, the main elements of the 1st Infantry Division continued to close on Oran.

The 18th Infantry attempted a coordinated attack on St. Cloud, east of the city, on the 9th, but French troops, especially the Legionnaires, put up fierce resistance, and the attack bogged down by noon with considerable casualties. Wanting to keep moving toward Oran and desiring to avoid heavy civilian casualties, the commanding general of the 1st Infantry Division, Maj. Gen. Terry Allen, ordered that St. Cloud be invested by one battalion and that the remainder of the regiment move toward Oran in preparation for the general assault on the city to be carried out the next morning.

As night fell on 9 November, CTF could again be satisfied. The 18th and 16th Infantry Regiments were closing on Oran from the east. Both major airfields had been taken and the main French counterattacks defeated. Both CCB and 1st Infantry Division were in good positions to conduct a concentric attack on Oran the next day. Fredendall dispatched his G-3, Col. Claude B. Ferenbaugh, ashore to headquarters, 1st Inf. Div., to coordinate the move. Meeting with Allen and Oliver, Ferenbaugh directed that all units jump off at 0730 on the 10th. Speed was essential, as no one wanted to give the French another day to wreck the harbor.

None of the American units made their line of departure (LD) by 0730. Exhausted after two weeks confinement aboard ship and three days fighting with little sleep, the infantry could not reach their start lines on time. Once the 16th and 18th Regiments did get going, they met spirited resistance from the 2nd Zouaves near Arcole and St. Eugene and were delayed.

CCB planned to make its main attack with the elements of TF Green at La Senia airfield. Robinett, however, did not receive orders for the attack until a few hours before LD time, just as he was preparing to attack the enemy around Valmy. Robinett refused to make this new attack before he was ready and asked Oliver if he could delay his LD time and "be allowed to get it off just as quickly as possible." The commanding general of CCB concurred, but stressed the need for speed.

Robinett concentrated the bulk of his force—two and one-half tank companies, one company of armored infantry, and a section of tank destroyers, under Lt. Col. Todd and ordered him to bypass the enemy near La Senia and drive straight for the port and for the French headquarters in town.

Todd jumped off in massed formation at about 0930 and traversed the open ground west of La Senia opposed only by sporadic artillery fire (which may have been misdirected British naval gunfire). While Todd moved west of town, TF Red detached Lt. Col. Waters east of the village in a supporting attack along a parallel route.

Once Todd and Waters had bypassed La Senia, Robinett ordered his headquarters tank platoon to attack the town. French resistance suddenly collapsed when tanks penetrated their defensive belt. Over 1,000 Frenchmen surrendered to the tank platoon. This behavior was in stark contrast to that exhibited at St. Cloud where the French had fought against a standard infantry/artillery attack.

Todd and Waters now had little in front of them. Eliminating a roadblock on the outskirts of town, CCB encountered only scattered sniper fire, and small arms and vehicular machine gun fire effectively dealt with that. As Lt. Col. Todd observed, ."50-caliber machine guns are excellent against snipers. They will shoot right through a house." By 1100, Todd's forces had reached the port and French military headquarters and captured the French commanding general. With this, the battle was over and the remaining French forces surrendered, although St. Cloud resisted one more attack. That afternoon, CCB moved to the vicinity of Tafaraoui to rest, reorganize, and prepare for further action against the Germans in Tunisia.

The American victory at Oran is not a well-known feat of arms. Neither France nor the U.S. really wanted to publicize a battle fought between old allies. CTF suffered over six hundred casualties, including 276 killed. But these losses, considering the importance of the objective, were acceptable, and the Oran operation must be considered a significant victory.

The Allies had moved over 27,000 men a great distance on relatively short notice and had seized two important airfields and a port in minimal time against considerable resistance. All arms contributed to the victory.

In examining these implications, we may first note the use of the limited armor available (it was never more than five light companies) as a maneuver force. The Allied command had two reasons for initially concentrating its armor and not dispersing it among the infantry. First, the Americans had to quickly seize the Tafaraoui airfield. Secondly, because many enemy coastal defenses precluded a landing nearer the objective, the attackers had to complete a fast overland movement to prevent Oran from being significantly reinforced.

But even on the third day when the opportunity presented itself for the use of armor to support a traditional combined arms assault on the city, Fredendall kept his available armor concentrated and used it to pierce a hole through the enemy defense rather than to crush it.

Obviously, there are tactical situations where it might be necessary to parcel out armor to support infantry. The infantry could have used some tanks in the assault on St. Cloud, but St. Cloud was not the objective. If available armor is limited, one must mass it at the decisive point.

If concentration of armor appears to be one lesson of Oran, redundancy in planning seems to be another. CTF did not rely on one strike force to eliminate the main threat to the success of the operation—French airpower. Three separate elements, TF Red, TF Green, and the airborne battalions, received the mission of securing Tafaraoui airfield. Should one or even two of the forces have been delayed or destroyed, another could have accomplished the mission.

Finally, when one studies the Oran experience of 1942, one is struck by the boldness of the planners' concept of operations. Landing at widely separated points and sending small armored flying columns deep into a numerically superior enemy rear is not a cautious operational maneuver. But, I believe, boldness was desirable. Indeed, in the uncertain political situation that existed in 1942 at Oran, boldness was required. Lightning movement seems to have paralyzed the uncertain French and caused the main prizes—the port and airfields, to fall almost without a fight.

The ill-fated Operation Reservist, however, demonstrates that planners must not cross the border between boldness and recklessness. The plan for the 3rd Battalion, 6th Infantry's coup de main appears so ridiculous in hindsight that it would be almost comical, were it not so tragic. If the Oran operation as a whole seems to bolster the arguments of those who favor the maneuver over the firepower/attrition approach to tactics, the Reservist episode should remind us that sometimes bold movement and élan are not enough.

Maneuver, and not firepower, seems, nevertheless, to have been the key to victory at Oran. Tafaraoui airfield was captured when American amphibious forces landed at distance from the main enemy forces and struck rapidly with light armor into the enemy's rear. The Americans took the indirect approach. They did not attempt to use the firepower of the battleship to suppress coastal fortifications and attempt a frontal assault.

Similarly, at La Senia, TF Green bypassed Misserrhin and struck between the enemy positions at Valmy and La Senia to seize a lightly defended airfield. Finally, on 10 November, CCB bypassed enemy positions leaving a strong force astride their communications at Valmy and La Senia, and struck directly toward the port and French headquarters where French forces had been drawn in a linear-type defense with strongpoints south of the city.

At Oran, boldness and maneuver worked together against an irresolute and quickly dispirited enemy. Had the vital objective been St. Cloud, defended by the Foreign Legion, rather than the Oran docks, success would have required a traditional combined arms assault. Similarly, the deep strike maneuver conducted by light forces to seize Tafaraoui would have failed had the armored counterattack been made by a battalion of German PzKpfw. IVs or even French Char B1s, rather than the pitiful Renaults. That fight was decided by weight of armor and caliber of gun, not maneuver. Maneuver can enhance firepower, but it cannot replace it. Oran tells us that, too.

Landing M7 Gun Motor Carriage of the 1st Armored Division at Oran, Algeria, part of Operation Torch, the Anglo-American invasion of North Africa. 9 November 1942.

X White Beach on the Bay of Mersa Bou Zedjar. Note barriers to exit from beach.

Y Beaches, Les Andalouses.

Y White Beach, Les Andalouses. Landing craft at left is an LCM.

Troops and equipment coming ashore, Z White Beach near St. Leu.

The Maracaibo H.M.S. Misoa, a converted shallow-draft oiler used as a tank landing ship. At Z Red Beach, light tanks were discharged through doors in the bow over bridge sections to the shore.

French prisoners captured by men of Combat Command B, 1st Armored Division, are guarded by MP's on the beach near St. Leu, 8 November 1942.  

Maj. Gen. Lloyd R. Fredendall, center, U.S. Commander of the Center Task Force. From left, officers are Brig. Gen. Lunsford E. Oliver, Brig. Gen. Lowell Rooks, General Fredendall, Lt. Gen. Mark W. Clark, and Brig. Gen. James H. Doolittle. (Photograph taken December 1942.)

Seizure of Oran, 8-10 November 1942.